Constitutional Imperialism in Japan/Chapter 8
VIII. Political Parties
This is another topic which is not mentioned in the Japanese Constitution, but which is a natural and necessary outgrowth of constitutionalism. Political parties are important organs of representative institutions. It is not necessary to enter into a lengthy discussion of this topic which is more fully treated by the writer in The Political Science Quarterly for December, 1912. And still more recently (June, 1914), Mr. Henry Satoh has published a book, Evolution of Political Parties in Japan, to which some references have already been made. Uyehara also discusses this topic.[1]
The history of political parties in Japan may be divided into the following periods: (1) embryonic period, 1867–1882; (2) organizing period, 1882–1890; (3) developing period, 1890–1898; (4) influential period, 1898–1911; (5) predominant period, 1911 . But in this connection, we are specially concerned only with the three periods from 1890 to the present time.
The first national election, on July 4, 1890, resulted in the return of members divided among ten small groups, some of which however succeeded in amalgamating into four or five parties, of which the largest one was the Jiyuto, or Liberal Party. For several years the Liberals and the Progressives (Kaishinto or Shimpoto) were the most prominent parties; and each in turn was sought in alliance by the Government. In 1898, those two parties, burying the hatchet, united in organizing the Kenseito, or Constitutional party. This new party was suddenly called upon to form a Cabinet, generally known as the Okuma-Itagaki Ministry, from the leaders of the two parties that had united. This hyphenated Ministry soon fell a prey to internal dissensions; and the coalition, which was only an amalgamation, was dissolved into its original elements. In 1900 Ito’s new party, the Seiyukai, of which the old Liberals formed the nucleus, was suddenly called on to form a Ministry, which was also short-lived. These attempts at party government seem to have been premature; but they served to indicate the trend of events. Moreover, as Uyehara puts it, concerning the first attempt, “its real importance lies in the fact that it had completely disposed of the prejudice that a person directly connected with a political party could not become a Cabinet minister.”[2] The second Saionji and the Yamamoto ministries were strongly “party cabinets”; and Okuma’s is still more so, albeit it is also “personal cabinet”, in which Okuma is indisputably “Premier”.
And this is a reminder of one of the peculiar features of Japanese political parties. That is the personal element by which factions and parties have rallied around men more than measures, persons rather than principles. This feature is, of course, a survival of the feudal system, as has been pointed out by Ozaki (now Minister of Justice) in an article in a magazine called Shinseiki (New Century). He said: “The fact is that the majority of our politicians are still subject to feudal notions. Their attitude to the president of a party is precisely that of the retainers of a daimyo to their lord.”
Another peculiarity is that party ties are loose and party principles are indefinite. Individuals do not find it difficult to shift allegiance from one party or faction to another, often without sacrificing their principles, if they have any! This is largely due to the indefiniteness and generalities of party platforms, or the lack of positively distinguishing principles separating parties. For instance, the same party has been found, according to circumstances, either in support of or in opposition to an increase of the land-tax. Okuma and Ozaki, now “in”, have put through the army increment scheme, which they vigorously opposed, when “out”; and they do not mind the charge of inconsistency. They seem to agree with Emerson that “a foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds”.
Japanese political parties, in spite of their faults, have certainly made great progress. The Japan Times, on October 12, 1911, wrote that party government would be welcome “notwithstanding all the evils of the party system, because it will get rid of a self-bureaucracy, assuming the leadership of the nation”. Satoh says:
The formation of the Okuma Government thus proves to be a victory of the principle of party government, and the Premier, Count Okuma, has now the satisfaction of having come out triumphant over his enemies after his many years’ fight for the constitutional progress of his beloved country.[3]
It now seems quite evident that the Japanese political parties, imperfect though they are, have behind them the people of the Empire.