Japan by the Japanese/Chapter 1

Relations with foreign countries being of the greatest importance, the late Emperor was long concerned about its establishment. The mistaken policy pursued by the Shogun Government had misled public opinion as to this question, with the result of the present confusion. Now that the changed condition of the country urges Us to leave such a policy of seclusion, We do hereby make proclamation that henceforth international intercourse upon the basis of international rules is opened, and both Government and governed shall unite to achieve this Our intention.

We hereby proclaim to the Sovereigns and subjects of all foreign countries, that the Shogun Tokugawa Keiki has abdicated his administrative power, and henceforth all administration will be carried out under Our direct control, and all public affairs will be executed under the name of Emperor, instead of Taikun, as it has been hitherto. Further, special officials will be appointed for intercourse with foreign countries. Ambassadors of foreign countries, do observe well this Our will.

1. Public meetings shall be organized, and administrative affairs shall be decided by general deliberation.

2. Governors and governed alike shall devote themselves to the good of the nation.

​3. All the civil or military officials shall endeavour to encourage individual industries in all classes, and to call forth their active characteristics.

4. The defective customs hitherto prevailing shall be corrected.

5. Useful knowledge shall be introduced from the outside world, and thus the foundations of the empire shall be aggrandized.

In accordance with the meaning of the oath taken by Us at the commencement of Our reign, and as a gradual development of its policy, We are convening an Assembly of representatives of the whole nation, so as to ordain laws by help of public discussion, thus opening up the way of harmony between the Government and the governed, and of the accomplishment of the national desires; and We trust, by insuring to each subject throughout the nation an opportunity of peacefully pursuing his avocation, to awaken them to a sense of the importance of matters of State. We have therefore issued this constitution of a Deliberative Assembly, providing for the convening of the chief officials of the different local jurisdictions, and for their meeting and deliberating as representatives of the people. Observe it well, members of the Assembly.

At the time of Our ascending the Throne, when We became the head of affairs, We summoned together the whole of Our servants, and on five several points took oath before heaven. We determined the welfare of the country, and sought after the means whereby to insure the peace and tranquillity of the people. By the favour of the spirits of Our ancestors, and also by the exertion of Our servants, We have happily attained the slight degree of tranquillity of the present day. But, upon consideration, We find that Our assumption of power dates from no far-distant period, and that, as regards the pacification of the interior of Our country, there are by no means few matters that have to be set on foot or newly regulated. Wherefore We, now extending the spirit of Our oath, do hereby found the Genro-in, and thereby extend the fountain-head of the establishment of laws; and create the Daisin-in, and thereby render firm the powers of careful judicial procedure: We likewise call together the local officials, causing them to state the opinions of the people, plan the public welfare, and by degrees ​set on foot a well-founded political fabric for Our country and homes, We being desirous that each and every one should partake of its benefits.

Do you, then, abstain from becoming accustomed to old customs; beware likewise of paying little heed to your advancing steps, or of being slow to act.

Give, then, due attention to Our words.

In accordance with the oath We took upon ascending Our Imperial Throne, We now summon to their deliberations the representatives of Our subjects. It is Our wish that they should amply discuss and determine upon such new measures as may be thought necessary for the welfare of the people, and thus facilitate the administration of Our domestic concerns; and, further, that the Government and the governed may be of one mind, and that the voice of the latter may thus find access to Ourselves.

It is hoped that all men may feel a due sense of the duties they owe to the State, and that the chief magistrates of the cities and provinces will maturely consider and well weigh such projects as may be submitted to them for promoting the welfare and advancement of Our Empire.

Some short time since We issued Our proclamation ordering the institution of the Genro-in, with a view to the better enactment of laws for this realm. For this purpose you have been nominated Gikuan, and We confide in your wisdom and discretion for the due execution of the important functions of your high office, which, if conscientiously discharged, cannot fail to redound to the happiness and well-being of Our subjects.

Understand Our object, therefore, and aid Us.

It is Our wish to consider extensively the laws of all foreign countries with reference to Our national Constitution, and thereby to determine Our constitutional law. Do you, therefore, prepare a draft for this purpose and submit it to Us. We will then make Our choice.

We, sitting on the Throne which has been occupied by Our dynasty for over 2,500 years, and now exercising, in Our own name and right, all the authority and power transmitted to Us by Our ancestors, have long had it in view to establish gradually a constitutional form of Government, to the end that Our descendants on the Throne may be provided with a rule for their guidance.

It was with this object in view that, in the 8th year of Meiji, We established the Senate, and in the 11th year of Meiji authorized the formation of Local Assemblies, thus laying the foundations for the general reforms which We contemplate. These Our acts must convince you, Our subjects, of Our determination in this respect from the beginning.

Systems of government differ in different countries, but sudden and unusual changes cannot be made without great inconvenience.

Our ancestors in heaven watch Our acts, and We recognise Our responsibility to them for the faithful discharge of Our high duties, in accordance with the principles and the perpetual increase of glory they have bequeathed to Us.

We therefore hereby declare that We shall, in the 23rd year of Meiji (1890) establish a Parliament in order to carry into full effect the determination We have announced; and We charge Our faithful subjects bearing Our commissions to make in the meantime all necessary preparations to that end.

With regard to the limitations upon the Imperial prerogative, and the constitution of the Parliament We shall decide hereafter, and shall make proclamation in due time.

We perceive that the tendency of Our people is to advance too rapidly, and without that thought and consideration which alone can make progress enduring; and We warn Our subjects, high and low, to be mindful of Our will, and that those who may advocate sudden and violent changes, disturbing the peace of Our realm, will fall under Our displeasure.

In Our opinion the essence of government lies in the establishment of a sound system of administration, and in the wise use of opportunities. Similarly, what is essential to a Cabinet is that it should have direct control in all matters of State, and that its action should be uniform and expeditious.

In the present reconstruction (of the State), Ministers of ​State have been appointed to various posts of high responsibility, and a Prime Minister has been appointed to preside over them. In this way the evils of obstruction caused by the circuitous methods of business under which, heretofore, action has been fettered by tedious routine, owing to the subordination of the various public departments to the Council of State, will be removed.

It is Our intention to put an end to the confusion by clearly defining the controlling authority in each department of State; to remove obstruction by abolishing the circuitous methods which have created it; to invite genius by careful selection; to proceed with urgent works by economizing expenditure; to promote efficiency in the public service by the strict enforcement of disciplinary measures, and by these means gradually to reorganize the whole administration. This, Ministers of State, is what We ask of you. The Government of the Restoration cannot be allowed to advance at one moment and to fall back at another. Discard pretence, make reality your aim at all things, both great and small, and thus insure the continued maintenance of the present form of Government.

Ministers, bear in mind these Our wishes in the performance of your duties.

The Founder of Our Imperial House and Our other Imperial ancestors laid the foundations of Our Empire on a grand and everlasting basis, and deeply implanted the virtues to be ever cherished.

The goodness of Our subjects, displayed generation after generation in loyalty and piety, and in harmonious co-operation, contributes to the lasting character of Our country. These form the fundamental principles of education for Our subjects: Be filial to your relations, as husbands and wives, and faithful to your friends; let your conduct be courteous and frugal, and love others as yourselves; attend to your studies and practise your respective callings; cultivate your intellectual faculties and train your moral feelings; foster the public weal and promote the interests of society; ever render strict obedience to the Constitution and to all the laws of Our Empire; display your public spirit and your courage, and thereby give Us your support in promoting and maintaining the honour and the prosperity of Our Empire, which is coeval with the heavens and the earth.

Such conduct on your part will not only be what is fitting in Our good and loyal subjects, but will also suffice to make ​manifest the customs and manners bequeathed to you by your ancestors.

These instructions, bequeathed to Us by Our Imperial ancestors to indicate a course of conduct which We and Our subjects are bound to pursue, have been of unfailing validity in all ages past, as in the present, and in all countries whatever. Consequently, We trust that neither We nor Our subjects shall at any time fail to observe faithfully these sacred principles.

Whereas We make it the joy and glory of Our heart to behold the prosperity of Our country and the welfare of Our subjects, We do hereby, by the virtue of the supreme power We inherit from Our Imperial ancestors, promulgate the present immutable fundamental law, for the sake of Our present subjects and their descendants.

The Imperial Founder of Our House, and Our other Imperial ancestors, by the help and support of the forefathers of Our subjects, laid the foundation of Our Imperial Empire on a foundation which is to last for ever. That this brilliant achievement embellishes the annals of Our country is due to the glorious virtues of Our sacred Imperial ancestors, and to the loyalty and bravery of Our subjects, their love of their country, and their public spirit. Considering that Our subjects are the descendants of the loyal and good subjects of Our Imperial ancestors, We doubt not but that Our subjects will be guided by Our views, and will sympathize with all Our endeavours, and that, harmoniously co-operating together, they will share with Us Our hope of making manifest the glory of Our country at home and abroad, and of securing for ever the stability of the work bequeathed to Us by Our Imperial ancestors.

Having by virtue of the glories of Our ancestors ascended the Throne of a lineal succession unbroken for ages eternal, desiring to promote the welfare of, and to give development to, the moral and intellectual faculties of Our beloved subjects, the very same that have been favoured with the benevolent care and affectionate vigilance of Our ancestors; hoping to maintain the prosperity of the State, in concert with Our people and with their support, We hereby promulgate, in pursuance of Our Imperial rescript of the 14th day of the 10th month of the 14th year of Meiji, a fundamental law of State to exhibit the ​principles by which We are to be guided in Our conduct, and to point out to what Our descendants and Our subjects and their descendants are for ever to conform.

The rights of sovereignty of the State We have inherited from Our ancestors, and We shall bequeath them to Our descendants; neither We nor they shall in future fail to wield them in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution hereby given and granted.

We now declare that We will protect and respect the security of the rights and of the prosperity of Our people, and secure to them the complete enjoyment of the same within the extent of the provisions of the present Constitution and of the law.

The Imperial Diet shall first be convoked for the 23rd year of Meiji, and the time of its opening shall be the date when the present Constitution comes into force.

When in the future it may become necessary to amend any of the provisions of the present Constitution, We or Our successors shall assume Our right of initiative, and submit a project for the same to the Imperial Diet. The Imperial Diet shall pass its vote upon it, according to the conditions imposed by the present Constitution, and in no other wise shall Our descendants or Our subjects be permitted to attempt any alteration thereof.

Our Ministers of State, on Our behalf, shall be held responsible for the carrying out of the present Constitution, and Our present and future subjects shall for ever assume the duty of allegiance to the present Constitution.

We, the successors to the prosperous Throne of Our predecessors, do humbly and solemnly swear to the Imperial Founder of our House and to Our other Imperial ancestors, that, in pursuance of a great policy coextensive with the heavens and with earth, We shall maintain and secure from decline the ancient form of government.

In consideration of the progressive tendency of the course of human affairs, and in parallel with the advance of civilization, We deem it expedient, in order to give clearness and distinctness to the instructions bequeathed by the Imperial Founder of Our House and by Our other Imperial ancestors, to establish fundamental laws formulated into express provisions of law, so that, on the one hand, Our Imperial posterity may possess an express guide for the course they are to follow, and that, on the other, Our subjects shall thereby be enabled to enjoy a wider range of action in giving Us their support, and that the ​observance of Our laws shall continue to the remotest ages of time.

We will thereby give greater firmness to the stability of Our country, and promote the welfare of all the people within the boundaries of our dominions; and We now establish the Imperial House Law and the Constitution. These laws are really only an exposition of the grand precepts for the conduct of the government bequeathed by the Imperial Founder of Our House and by Our other Imperial ancestors. That We have been so fortunate in Our reign in keeping up with the tendency of the times as to accomplish this work We owe to the glorious spirits of the Imperial Founder of Our House and to Our other Imperial ancestors.

We now reverently make Our prayer to them and to Our Illustrious Father, and implore the help of their sacred spirits, and make to them solemn oath never at this time nor in the future to fail to be an example to Our subjects in the observance of the laws hereby established.

May the heavenly spirits witness this Our solemn oath!

We announce to the members of the House of Peers, and to those of the House of Representatives:

That all institutions relating to internal administration, established during the period of twenty years since Our accession to the Throne, have been brought to a state approaching completion and regular arrangement. By the efficacy of the virtues of Our ancestors, and in concert with yourselves, We hope to continue and extend those measures, to reap good fruits from the working of the Constitution, and thereby to manifest, both at home and abroad, the glory of Our country and the loyal and enterprising character of Our people.

We have always cherished a resolve to maintain friendly relations with other countries, to develop commerce, and to extend the prestige of Our land. Happily, Our relations with all the treaty Powers are on a footing of constantly growing amity and intimacy.

In order to preserve tranquillity at home and security abroad, it is essential that the completion of Our naval and military defences should be made the object for gradual attainment, We shall direct Our Minister of State to submit to the Diet the Budget for the 24th year of Meiji, and certain projects of laws. We expect that you will deliberate and advise upon them with impartiality and discretion, and We trust that you will establish such precedents as may serve for future guidance.

In the earliest beginnings of the Empire the Sovereign pledged himself to administer the affairs of State not only within the home borders, but also beyond the seas.

During the twenty and odd years which have elapsed since We assumed the reins of government, the feudal policy has been abolished and replaced by a government of progress, and, having regard to the conditions existing in the outer world, We have entered the route of international intercourse; but each and every part of the executive body has been framed on the lines bequeathed Us by Our ancestors, no object being contemplated other than to promote the welfare of Our subjects and to further the prosperity of the State.

We established the Diet, trusting that thus by the multitude of counsellors the cardinal work of the nation would be facilitated. The Constitution is now in the earliest stages of its operation. Circumspection is essential in the beginning, so that the achievement may be assured in the end. To-day the outlines have to be fixed, so that hereafter the great whole may be completed. The force of the progressive movement receives day by day, in all countries, more and more rapid increase. In such an era as the present any semblance of time squandered in fruitless quarrelling, or any opportunities forfeited for extending the country’s prosperity, is a spectacle We have no desire to display to the spirits of Our ancestors, neither can the fair goal of representative institutions be reached by such routes. We entrust to Our Ministers the duty of establishing order in these important matters, and We look with confidence to the chosen representatives of Our people to share the anxiety felt by Us on this subject morning and evening.

The items of expenditure referred to in Article 67 of the Constitution are protected by the clear text of the article, and cannot properly become a ground for dispute. Hereby We specially direct Our Ministers to bring all sections of the Administration into good order, and, having due regard to essentials, to take such deliberate and careful counsel as shall secure freedom from error under Our direction.

With regard to matters of national defence, a single day’s neglect may involve a century’s regret. We shall economize the expenses of the Household, and shall contribute during the space of six years a sum of 300,000 yen annually. We direct Our military and civil officials, except in cases where special circumstances interfere, to contribute one-tenth of their salaries during the same period, which sums ​shall be devoted to supplement the fund for building men-of-war.

We regard Our Cabinet and Our Diet as the machinery of constitutional government, and We trust that each will be careful to observe the due limitations of its powers, so as to assist Us in this great undertaking, and contrive to secure successful achievement.

We have read the address which the House of Representatives presented to Us on the 4th of the present month, as well as the memorial submitted to Us by Count Hirobumi Ito, Our Minister President of State, and Count Goto Shojiro, Our Minister of State for Agriculture and Commerce.

It is needless to tell you that the functionaries of the Department of State for Agriculture and Commerce ought to be cautious and discreet in their contact with the people. It is Our pleasure that the Minister of that Department of State should use his endeavours to maintain strict discipline among his subordinates.

As to the appointment and dismissal of Our Ministers of State, it rests entirely with Our pleasure, and no interference can be allowed on the part of anyone else.

The condition of things in the outside world urgently calls for greater progress on the part of Our country. At a critical juncture like the present, it would be a source of exceeding regret to Us should anything be suffered to impede the course of Our enlightened and progressive policy. It is therefore Our wish that you should spare no exertion to assist Us in the fulfilment of Our mission.

We, by the grace of Heaven, the Emperor of Japan, seated on a Throne occupied by the same dynasty from time immemorial, do hereby make proclamation to all Our loyal and brave subjects as follows:

We hereby declare war against China, and We command each and all of Our competent authorities, in obedience to Our wish, and with a view to the attainment of the national aim, to carry on hostilities by sea and by land against China, with all the means at their disposal, consistently with the law of nations.

During the last three decades of Our reign, Our constant aim has been to further the peaceful progress of Our country in civilization; and being sensible of the evils inseparable from ​complications with foreign States, it has been Our pleasure to instruct Our Ministers of State to labour for the promotion of friendly relations with Our treaty Powers. We are gratified to know that the relations of Our Empire with those Powers have yearly increased in goodwill and fellowship. Under the circumstances, We were unprepared for such a conspicuous want of amity and of good faith as has been manifested by China in her conduct toward this country in connection with the Corean affair.

Corea is an independent State. She was first introduced into the family of nations by the advice and under the guidance of Japan. It has, however, been China’s habit to designate Corea as her dependency, and both openly and secretly to interfere with her domestic affairs. At the time of the recent civil insurrection in Corea, China despatched troops thither, alleging that her purpose was to afford succour to her dependent State. We, in virtue of the treaty concluded with Corea in 1882, and looking to possible emergencies, caused a military force to be sent to that country. Wishing to procure for Corea freedom from the calamity of perpetual disturbance, and thereby to maintain the peace of the East in general, Japan invited China’s co-operation for the accomplishment of that object. But China, advancing various pretexts, declined Japan’s proposal. Thereupon Japan advised Corea to reform her administration so that order and tranquillity might be preserved at home, and so that the country might be able to discharge the responsibilities and duties of an independent State abroad. Corea has already consented to undertake the task, but China has secretly and insidiously endeavoured to circumvent and thwart Japan’s purpose. She has further procrastinated, and endeavoured to make warlike preparations both on land and at sea. When those preparations were completed, she not only sent large reinforcements to Corea, with a view to the forcible attainment of her ambitious designs, but even carried her arbitrariness and insolence to the extent of opening fire upon Our ships in Corean waters. China’s plain object is to make it uncertain where the responsibility rests of preserving peace and order in Corea, not only to weaken the position of that State in the family of nations—a position obtained for Corea through Japan’s efforts—but also to obscure the significance of the treaties recognising and confirming that position. Such conduct on the part of China is not only a direct injury to the rights and interests of this empire, but also a menace to the permanent peace and tranquillity of the Orient. Judging from her actions, it must be concluded that China from the beginning has been bent upon sacrificing peace to the attainment of her sinister object. In this situation, ardent as ​Our wish is to promote the prestige of this country by strictly peaceful methods, We find it impossible to avoid a formal declaration of war against China. It is Our earnest wish that, by the loyalty and valour of Our faithful subjects, peace may be soon permanently restored, and the glory of the empire be augmented and completed.

We, relying on the glorious spirits of Our ancestors and the co-operation of Our subjects, and through the instrumentality of Our loyal and gallant land and naval forces, are determined to preserve the dignity and prestige of Our realm.

We know that it is on account of loyalty and patriotism that Our subjects in various localities are undertaking to organize volunteer corps. But deeming, as We do, that there are fixed institutions in the country, as well as fixed avocations for the people, it is Our desire that, except in case of requiring extraordinary recourse to their services, Our subjects should continue industriously to pursue their accustomed vocations, so as to promote the industrial development of the realm and to cultivate the national resources. At present We do not deem that there is any need of volunteer troops, and We enjoin local Governors to instruct the people concerning Our wishes.

We are rejoiced to receive intelligence, immediately after Our arrival at headquarters, that Our army has gained a great victory at Phyong-yang. We appreciate the ability shown by Our officers and soldiers, and applaud the signal success they have achieved.

We hereby formally open the Imperial Diet.

We have commanded Our Ministers of State to lay before you the Budget for the 28th fiscal year of Meiji, and other necessary Bills.

Our expeditionary forces have been victorious in every battle, and are steadily advancing into the enemy’s territory. In the face of a severe winter, they have endured bitter cold and suffered privations, and have repeatedly given fresh proofs of their valour.

Our relations with the neutral Powers have become more cordial, and the work of treaty revision, which has long been the object of Our desire, has, apart from the satisfactory result ​already achieved, made favourable progress with respect to the negotiations still pending.

At this bright epoch of progress it is Our desire to push forward the national civilization, and, assisted by the virtues of Our ancestors, to secure a crowning glory such as shall befit the auspicious beginning. We call upon you to observe the political situation at home and abroad, and by harmonious co-operation of the Government and the people to promote Our wishes.

We were greatly pained to learn that sickness had overtaken you during the campaign, and We despatched an envoy to inquire about you. Finally, being anxious to learn direct from you the enemy’s condition, We directed that you should return. It gives Us great satisfaction to observe that your health is now improving. We relieve you of your present office, and appoint you to one of deliberative character. We desire that you receive treatment for your malady, and give Us the benefit of your counsels.

Whereas Our land and sea forces advancing against China have already completed the first period of the campaign, and are now about to enter upon the second, therefore We, deeming it essential to appoint a Commander-in-Chief of the expedition against China, do hereby nominate you to that office, ordering you to assume command of all Our expeditionary forces, investing you at the same time with the authority to appoint, remove, promote, and degrade the officers under your command; and We charge you in accordance with Our will to proceed and assume the duties of this office so as to increase the prestige of Our realm.

We deem it that the development of the prestige of the country could be obtained only by peace. It is Our mission, which We inherit from Our ancestors, that peace should be maintained in an effectual way. The foundations of the great policy of Our ancestors has been made more stable. We desire that We shall, together with Our people, be specially guarded against arrogance or relaxation.

It is what We highly object to, that the people should become ​arrogant by being puffed up with triumph, and despise others rashly, which would go towards losing the respect of foreign Powers. Since the development of the nation can be attained by peace, it is a divine duty imposed upon us by Our ancestors, and it has been Our intention and endeavour since Our accession to the Throne to maintain peace so as to enjoy it constantly. The expeditionary forces have gained fame for their benevolence and moderation.

We are, of course, glad of the glorification of the Empire by the victories of the present war, but at the same time We are aware that the Empire, as well as the schemes pursued since Our accession to the throne, have yet a distant future. We are positively against insulting others, and falling into idle pride by being elated by victories, and against losing the confidence of Our friendly States.

We recently complied with the request of China, and in consequence appointed Plenipotentiaries, causing them to confer with the Plenipotentiaries appointed by China to conclude a treaty of peace between the two empires.

Since then the Governments of their Majesties, the Emperor of Russia, the Emperor of Germany, and the President of the Republic of France, have united in a recommendation to Our Government not to permanently possess the Peninsula of Feng-tien, Our newly acquired territory, on the ground that such permanent possession would be detrimental to the lasting peace of the Orient.

Devoted as We unalterably are, and ever have been, to the principles of peace, We were constrained to take up arms against China for no other reason than Our desire to secure for the Orient an enduring peace.

Now, the friendly recommendation of the three Powers was equally prompted by the same desire. Consulting, therefore, the best interests of peace, and animated by a desire not to bring upon our people added hardship or to impede the progress of national destiny by creating new complications, and thereby making the situation difficult and retarding the restoration of peace, We do not hesitate to accept such recommendation.

By concluding the treaty of peace, China has already shown her sincerity of regret for the violation of her engagements, and thereby the justice of Our cause has been proclaimed to the world.

Under these circumstances We can find nothing to impair the honour and dignity of Our Empire if We now yield to the ​dictates of magnanimity, and, taking into consideration the general situation, accept the advice of the friendly Powers.

Accordingly, We have commanded our Government, and have caused them to reply to the three friendly Powers in the above sense. Regarding the arrangement by which We will renounce the permanent possession of the peninsula, We have specially commanded Our Government that the necessary measures shall be made the subject of future negotiations and adjustment with the Government of China.

Now the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of peace has already been effected; the friendly relations between the two empires have been re-established, and cordial relations with all other Powers are also strengthened.

We therefore command Our subjects to respect Our will; to take into careful consideration the general situation; to be circumspect in all things; to avoid erroneous tendencies; and not to impair or thwart the high aspirations of Our Empire.

Our beloved soldiers and sailors,—When in the 15th year of Meiji the system of reorganization of the army and of the navy was perfected, We, who hold the supreme command of the army and navy, laid down five points, which you as warriors ought to observe with all your strength, and We proclaimed to you that, loyal, courteous, brave, upright, and frugal, you ought to be permeated with undivided sincerity.

That We were very earnest in Our instructions to you was because We relied upon you as Our main pillars of support. Since then tranquillity has reigned over the domain for more than ten years. When, however, last year war broke out with China, you rose up at one word from Us, and endured the sultry heat of summer and braved the icy cold of winter. Those who stayed behind devoted themselves to securing the safety of the Empire at home, while those who were despatched abroad undertook the arduous task of marching upon and attacking the enemy. The result has been that both by land and by sea glorious success, never exampled before, has been achieved, thereby accomplishing the object of the war and displaying the glory of the Empire to the four seas.

We are highly gratified to see that the Imperial army and navy have arrived at such a state of efficiency, and We appreciate at the same time that you, ever keeping in mind the five points aforesaid, have disregarded your lives in order to fulfil Our order, and have admirably discharged the duties incumbent upon you as the main pillars of Our State. As to ​those who fell dead in battle or died of disease, and those that have been disabled, We deeply appreciate their patriotism and sympathize with their lot.

We have concluded peace with China, and are about to share with you the felicity of peace. But We think the enhanced honour of the army and navy and the glory of the Empire have added weight to your duties and responsibilities. Desirous as We are, now that the Imperial glory has been augmented, to enjoy and share with you the glory and honour of the Empire, We cannot but perceive that the future destiny of the State is as yet undeveloped; and We therefore enjoin upon you, whether you remain in the respective services or are disbanded and go home, to obey faithfully Our instructions, to keep always in view the five articles, and to observe the duties of warriors, so as to discharge with the utmost sincerity on any necessary future occasion the duties that you owe to the Empire.

Governing Our realm by the abiding aid of Our ancestors’ achievements, which have enabled us to secure the prosperity of Our people at home and to establish relations of close amity with the nations abroad, it is a source of heartfelt gratification to Us that, as a result of exhaustive planning and repeated negotiations, an agreement has been come to with the Powers, and the revision of treaties, Our long-cherished aim, is to-day on the eve of becoming an accomplished fact, a result which, while it adds materially to the responsibilities of Our Empire, will greatly strengthen the basis of Our friendship with foreign countries.

It is Our earnest wish that Our subjects, whose devoted loyalty in the discharge of their duties is conspicuous, should enter earnestly into Our sentiments in this matter, and, in compliance with the great policy of opening the country, should all unite with one heart to associate cordially with the people from far countries, thus maintaining the character of the nation and enhancing the prestige of the Empire.

In view of the responsibilities that devolve upon Us in giving effect to the new treaties, it is Our will that the Ministers of State, acting on Our behalf, should instruct Our officials of all classes to observe the utmost circumspection in the management of affairs, to the end that subjects and strangers alike may enjoy equal privileges and advantages, and that, every source of dissatisfaction being avoided, relations of peace and amity with all nations may be strengthened and consolidated in perpetuity.

In the disturbance which occurred at Peking last year, Sugiyama Akira, the Chancellor of Our Legation, was made the victim of a cruel assassination perpetrated by the soldiers of your country. His Majesty the Emperor of China, feeling profound regret at the incident, has been pleased to send you to Our Court on a special mission, with an Imperial letter in acknowledgment of the reparation which is due to Us. In accepting this message which you have been charged to deliver to Us, it behoves Us to express Our belief that the friendly relations between the two countries will in the future become closer and closer. It is Our earnest wish that the great work of reform, which depends on Your Sovereign, will soon be found in effective progress, and that the maintenance of permanent peace in Eastern Asia will be thereby secured. In submitting to His Majesty the result of your mission, you will not fail to state that We pray for his unbounded happiness and prosperity.

We, by the grace of Heaven, the Emperor of Japan, seated on the same Throne occupied by the same dynasty from time immemorial, do hereby make proclamation to all Our loyal and brave subjects as follows:

We hereby declare war against Russia, and We command Our army and navy to carry on hostilities against that empire with all their strength, and We also command all Our competent authorities, in pursuance of their duties and in accordance with their powers, to attain the national aim with all the means within the limits of the law of nations.

We have always deemed it essential to international relations, and made it Our constant aim, to promote the pacific progress of Our Empire in civilization, to strengthen Our ties with other States, and to establish a state of things which would maintain enduring peace in the extreme East and secure the future of Our dominion without injury to the rights and interests of other Powers. Our competent authorities have also performed their duties in accordance to Our will, so that Our relations with the Powers have been steadily growing in cordiality. It was thus entirely against Our expectation that We have unhappily come to open hostilities against Russia.

The integrity of Corea is a matter of constant concern to this Empire, not only because of Our traditional relations with that country, but because the separate existence of Corea is essential ​to the safety of Our realm. Nevertheless, Russia, in disregard of her solemn treaty pledges to China and her repeated assurances to other Powers, is still in occupation of Manchuria, has consolidated and strengthened her hold upon those provinces, and is bent upon their final annexation. And since the absorption of Manchuria by Russia would render it impossible to maintain the integrity of Corea, and would, in addition, compel the abandonment of all hope for peace in the extreme East, We determined in those circumstances to settle the question by negotiation, and to secure thereby permanent peace. With that object in view, Our competent authorities by Our order made proposals to Russia, and frequent conferences were held during the course of six months. Russia, however, never met such proposals in a spirit of conciliation, but by her wanton delays put off the settlement of the question, and by ostensibly advocating peace on the one hand, while she was on the other extending her naval and military preparations, sought to accomplish her own selfish designs.

We cannot in the least admit that Russia had from the first day serious or genuine desire for peace. She has rejected the proposals of Our Government; the safety of Corea is in danger; the vital interests of Our Empire are menaced. The guarantees for the future which We have failed to secure by peaceful negotiation We can now only seek by Our appeal to arms.

It is Our earnest wish that, by the loyalty and valour of Our faithful subjects, peace may soon be permanently restored, and the glory of Our Empire preserved.