Japan by the Japanese/Chapter 6

It is a matter of boundless congratulation for the sake of the country, as it is also a great honour and happiness to me, that we are able to-day to meet together in this hall, in virtue of the great and immutable charter established by the benevolent intentions of His Majesty the Emperor. The present is a fitting occasion for me to make a brief allusion to the course of policy followed by the Government in domestic as well as foreign affairs of State. The policy followed by the Government having been already pointed out in the Speech from the Throne at the time of the opening of the Diet, it may seem unnecessary for me to offer any further explanations on the same subject. During the three centuries that followed the adoption of a policy of seclusion by the Shogunate Government, profound tranquillity was preserved throughout the whole country. It is, however, to be regretted that the Government of that time is open to the charge of having run counter to the general tendency of events in the world, and of having thereby retarded the progress of the country during those centuries. At the time of the Restoration, when, considering the altered aspect of things in the world, we changed the course of the national policy, we made it our primary object to redeem, in as short a period of time as possible, this debt of 300 years’ standing. The grave responsibility, of which we still feel the weight, has not yet been half discharged. Fortunately the course and outline of the policy to be pursued having been moulded by the profound wisdom of His Majesty the Emperor on the one hand, and by the advice and measures of our distinguished predecessors on the other, we have been enabled to attain the present stage by a gradual and orderly progress. There may be more or less difference of opinion as to the relative urgency of particular measures, and as to ​the mode of carrying them out; but I do not hesitate to say that, so far as concerns the general course of things, we are borne onward by one and the same tide, and that, being equally confined within the limits of its current, we can never stray out of the general channel followed by it. With regard to the Budget, let me mention that we have the responsibility of maintaining the Constitution, the laws, and the Imperial ordinances. The Budget having now been introduced by the Government, I rely upon your thorough and candid consideration and advice. A great portion of the Budget is taken up with expenses connected with the army and navy. I wish here to draw your attention to the opinions held by the Government on this subject. The administrative and judicial institutions have now to be completed and put in an active condition, while the resources of the country have to be nourished by encouraging and promoting agricultural, industrial, and commercial undertakings. While thus internal administration cannot be neglected even for a day, it is our common object to maintain the independence and to extend the prestige of the country. The attainment of this object should not only never be lost sight of by the Government, but also all the subjects of the empire should, whatever changes may hereafter take place in the political world, work in harmony, and, uniting their different paths of progress, should advance along one and the same route, to the end that they may not fail to attain eventually their common object. The independence and self-preservation of a country depend, first, upon the defence of its ‘cordons of sovereignty,’ and, secondly, upon the defence of its ‘cordons of interest.’ I mean by ‘cordons of sovereignty’ the territories of the country, and by ‘cordons of interest’ the sphere which has the closest connection with the safety of the ‘cordons of sovereignty.’ There is not a country which does not defend its ‘cordons of sovereignty,’ neither is there a country which does not maintain its ‘cordons of interest.’ In order to maintain the independence of the country at the present time among the Powers of the world, it is not sufficient to defend the ‘cordons of sovereignty’ alone; it is also necessary to defend the ‘cordons of interest.’ Now, if we wish, as we do, to maintain the integrity of the independence of the country by defending, not only the ‘cordons of sovereignty,’ but also the ‘cordons of interest,’ we undertake a task which can be accomplished, not by speculative arguments, but only by constant and persevering efforts within the limits allowed by the resources of the land. Such being the case, it is unavoidable that large sums of money should be required for the army and the navy. I have not the least doubt that, with reference to the important points thus far stated, you will upon the whole co-operate and agree with the ​Government. These points all refer to the grave responsibility which we, in common with you, have to discharge in the shortest possible length of time. For the purpose of fulfilling this common obligation, we hope that it may not be difficult to obtain harmony of views and unanimity of purpose, provided that we all sacrifice our personal interest in deference to public opinion, and, further, that we confer together in an open and unreserved manner.