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at Darjeeling at which some Extremist leaders, including Mr. C. R. Das, were present. Non-Co-operation had not then come into existence, and the atmosphere was serene. So far as I can remem- ber, no serious objection was raised to diarchy or the placing of some of the departments under popular ministers responsible to the Legislative Council. Mr. Curtis was a firm believer in diarchy as a halfway house to full responsible government. He spoke with the fervid faith of an apostle. Of him, it could be truly said that he came and saw and conquered. He had conferences with the representatives of the European community, who at the outset had grave misgivings with regard to the whole scheme. Their idea was—and it found expression in the newspapers at the time—that the Government should begin by perfecting the system of Local Self- government, and should then tackle the wider question of respon- sible government. In the course of the discussions that they held with Mr. Curtis and others (Lord Sinha being one) they modified their views; and, when they did so, let it be said to their credit, they never wavered or faltered and stuck to them with the tenacity characteristic of Englishmen. And now among the best friends of the Reforms are the non-official European community, who recog- nize the destiny that awaits India, namely, that she must through progressive stages become an equal partner of the British Commonwealth. In the Bengal Legislative Council, the European members usually acted with the Moderates, and their relations with the representatives of the Moderate party were friendly and even cordial. I remember that only in one matter was there a serious difference between them and their Hindu colleagues, and that was in regard to the question of communal representation in the Cal- cutta Corporation. They were in favour of such representation for the European community. They naturally looked at the matter from their own point of view. The European community had a separate electorate for themselves, to ensure proper and adequate representation of their interests, and they necessarily thought that what was good for them was equally good for the Mohamedan community, overlooking the fact that their case stood apart from that of the Mohamedans; that the Hindus and Mohamedans were bound to form, sooner or later, a united nationality, and that the communal system was a hindrance to the development of Indian nationhood.

In the meantime a storm was brewing that was destined to cause a serious split in the ranks of Indian politicians. On July 8, 1918,