Page:The New England Magazine 1891, 5.1.djvu/11

faith enough in us for so grand a purpose. No forward movement of humanity ever was or ever can be achieved without an enthusiasm. Have we the optimism that can go forward against all opposition and achieve grand things? Generations come that can do this; but other generations cannot. For the most the world moves in routine work, and reveres red-tape. I have frith that our generation is able to comprehend the grandeur of the idea and to work successfully at its accomplishment. The proposition is to hold, in 1893, in conjunction with the Columbian Exposition, a congress "of the enlightened and liberal minds of the world to discuss the interests of free institutions, and the best means for their promotion among the nations of the earth." The movement is already in the hands of a committee of two hundred representative men in this country, together with committees in all foreign lands that are touched with aspiration for human progress. Among the foreign members are Louis Kossuth, Señor Castelar, the President of the Brazilian Republic Fonseca, Henry Labouchere, Herbert Spencer, Professor James Bryce, Bartholdi, and many more. In this country, prominent workers cover every field of life and every persuasion. Cardinal Gibbons cooperates with Rabbi Gottheil, Bishop Cheney, and Robert Ingersoll. The Executive Committee consists of Colonel Ethan Allen, Hon. Andrew Carnegie, General Russell Alger, Governor Hoard, of Wisconsin, and nine more equally representative men. The inception of the plan is due, however, to a man of rare combinations, of modesty equalled by his daring, and executive power equal to his hopefulness and enthusiasm, Wm. O. McDowell, of Newark, New Jersey. He is himself unable to tell when or how the idea of a Congress of Republics entered his brain. Perhaps Bartholdi did more than he thought when he sent the statue of "Liberty Enlightening the World" to our metropolitan harbor. It was not set there for the benefit of American commerce, but for the whole world, as it sailed in and out the waters of a democratic Continent. An interesting man is this McDowell, worth a moment's thought of ours. Some years ago he was sent for by Governor Tilden, to draft a will for him. Instead of the usual legal verbiage he began, "Whereas this is a natural conflict between the two forms of government that now rule the world, that which is based on the theory of the divine right of kings and that which is based upon the divine rights of the people, and in order that the men who will be called on to fight the intellectual battles of the future may be duly prepared,—I dedicate my fortune to the education of mankind in Statecraft, on the lines laid down in the Declaration of Independence." This is surely the most curious will drawn up in our generation; but it reminds us startlingly of the wills. of Washington and Jefferson. One hundred years ago they did such things. Washington willed his property to found a National University at the Capital of the States. It is not yet organized, but it will be. Jefferson founded a university for his native state. Franklin left endowments for the apprentices who read the maxims of Poor Richard and practised them. What we have lacked of late is the enthusiastic belief in great principles that characterized these men. To associate our Columbian Exposition of what has been done with a zealous proclamation of what shall be done, is to complete and round out what was but half an idea.

Mr. McDowall on Bunker Hill's Day of 1890, issued a manifesto from Faunce's Tavern in New York, Washington's headquarters of one hundred years before. He said, "Not only in the United States, but in other countries of the world, there are a number of great patriotic societies devoted to the principles that a century ago resulted in the birth of these United States. Has not the time come for the issuing of an invitation to the patriotic societies of the world to each send one or more delegates to attend a Pan-Republic congress?" With this interrogation went others as to time and locality to be chosen, and who should be invited to appear as delegates, or to be represented by delegates; also concerning the true functions of such an assembly. The idea at its conception was bold and full of enthusiasm, but discreet and timely.