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of blunders (such as the manifesto to society describing the evil deeds of the Socialists, and the exiling of workers from the capitals to the provincial industrial centres), rapidly adapted itself to the new conditions of warfare and managed to place its armies of provocateurs, spies and gendarmes, armed with all the latest improvements, wherever required. So frequent did pogroms become, embracing such large numbers of victims and sweeping off local groups, that the workers literally lost their leaders; the movement assumed a sporadic character; consistency and continuity of work became absolutely impossible. The amazing dispersedness of the local workers, the casual composition of the circles, the lack of preparation and the narrow outlook on questions of theory, politics and organization which prevailed, were inevitable consequences of the conditions we have described. Matters came to such a pass that in certain localities the workers, because of our lack of resistance and the absence of conspiratorial methods, began to lose confidence in the intellectuals and draw away from them. "The intellectuals," they said, "lead us into defeat much too thoughtlessly" . . . .

It is only natural that a Social Democrat who regards the conception of the political struggle as being coincident with the conception of the "economic struggle against the masters and the government," should regard the conception "organiza-